E312 



1810T 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 





J' % ' 






















C^O^W^SHIKGTOK. 



, 9 , JL 

WASHINGTON'S 

FAREWELL ADDRESS, 

TO THE 

PEOPLE 



UJVITED STATES. 

PUBLISHED FOR THE WASHINGTON BENEVOLENT 
SOCIETY. 



TRor, N. r. 

PRINTED AT THE PRESS OF PARKER AND BLISS, 

BY DAVID CARLISLE, 






6 



WASHINGTON'S 

FAREWELL ADDRESS 



Friends and Fellow-Citizens, 

The period for a new election of a citizen 
to administer the executive government of 
the United States, being not far distant, and 
the time actually arrived when your thoughts 
must be employed in designating the person 
who is to be clothed with that important trust. 
It appears to me proper, especially as it may 
conduce to a more distinct expression of the 
public voice, that I should now apprize you 
of the resolution I have formed, to decline 
being considered among the number of those 
out of whom the choice is to be made. 

I beg you at the same time to do me the 
justice to be assured, that this resolution has 
not been taken, without a strict regard to 
all the considerations appertaining to the rela. 



tion which binds a dutiful citizen to his coun- 
try ; and that in withdrawing the tender of 
service, which silence in my situation might 
imply, I am influenced by no diminution of 
zeal for your future interest ; no deficiency 
of grateful respect for your past kindness j 
but am supported by a full conviction, that the 
step is compatible with both. 

The acceptance of, and continuance hither- 
to in, the office to which your suffrages have 
twice called me, have been an uniform sacri- 
fice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and 
to a deference for what appeared to be your 
desire. I constantly hoped that it would 
have been much earlier in my power, consist- 
ently with motives which I was not at liber- 
ty to disregard, to return to that retirement 
from which I had been reluctantly drawn. 
The strength of my inclination to do this, 
previous to the last election, had even led to 
ihe preparation of an address to declare it to 
you ; but mature reflection on the then per- 
plexed and critical posture of our affairs with 
foreign nations, and the unanimous advice 
of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled 
me to abandon the idea. 



I rejoice that the state of your concerns, 
external as well as internal, no longer renders 
the pursuit of inclination incompatible with 
the sentiment of duty or propriety ; and am 
persuaded, whatever partiality may be retain- 
ed for my services, that in the present cir- 
cumstances of our country, you will not 
disapprove of my determination to retire. 

The impressions with Vv^hich I first under- 
took the arduous trust, were explained on the 
proper occasion. In the discharge of this 
trust I will only say, that I have, Vvith good 
intentions, contributed towards the organiza- 
tion, ^nd administration of the government,, 
the best exertions of which a very fallible 
judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in 
the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifi' 
cations, experience in my own eyes, perhaps 
still more in the eyes of others, has strength- 
ened the motives to diffidence of myself ; 
and every day the increasing weight of years 
admonishes me more and more, that the shade 
of retirement is as necessary to me as it will 
be welcome. Satisfied that if any circum- 
Stances have given peculiar value to my ser^ 
vices, they were temporary, I have the conso - 

A 2 



lation to believe, that while choice and pru- 
dence invite me to quit the political scene, 
patriotism does not forbid it. 

In looking forward to the moment which is 
to terminate the career of my political life, my 
feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep 
acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude 
which I owe to my beloved country, for the 
many honors it has conferred upon me ; still 
more for the steadfast confidence v>/ith which it 
has supported me ; and for the opportunities I 
have thence enjoyed of manifesting my invio- 
lable attachment, by services faithful and per- 
severing, though in usefulness unequal to my 
zeal. If benefits have resulted to our coun- 
try from these services, let it always be re- 
membered to your praise, and as an instruc- 
tive example in our annals, that under circum- 
stances in which the passions, agitated in ev- 
ery direction, were hable to mislead — ^amidst 
appearances sometimes dubious-^vicissitudes 
of fortune often discouraging — in situations 
in which not unfrequently want of success 
has countenanced the spirit of criticism — the 
constancy of your support was the essential 
prop of the efforts and a guarantee of the 



plans by which they were effected. Pre- 
foundly penetrated with this idea, I shall car- 
ry it w^ith me to my grave, as a strong incite- 
ment to unceasing wishes, that Heaven may 
continue to you the choicest tokens of its 
beneficence — that your union and brotherly 
affection may be perpetual — that the free 
constitution, which is the work of your hands, 
may be sacredly maintained — that its admin- 
istration in eveiy department may be stamp- 
ed with wisdom and virtue — that, in fine, 
the happiness of the people of these States, 
under the auspices of liberty, may be made 
complete by so careful a preservation and so 
prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire 
to them the glory of recommending it to the 
applause, the affection, and the adoption, of 
every nation which is yet a stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a so- 
licitude for your welfare, which cannot end 
but with my life, and the apprehension of 
danger natural to that solicitude, urge me on 
an occasion like the present, to offer to your 
solemn contemplation, and to recommend to 
your frequent review, some sentiments, which 
ar€ the result of much reflection, of no iacon^ 



8 

siderable observation, and which appear to 
me all-important to the permanency of your 
felicity as a people. These will be ofiered 
to you with the more freedom, as you can 
only see in them the disinterested warnings 
of a parting friend, who can possibly have 
no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor 
can I forget as an encouragement to it, your 
indulgent reception of my sentiments on a 
former and not dissimilar occasion. 

Interv/oven as is the love of liberty with ev- 
ery ligament of your hearts, no recommenda- 
tion of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm 
the attachment. 

The unity of government, which consti- 
tutes you one people, is also now dear to 
you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar 
in the edifice of your real independence ; the 
support of your tranquilHty at home ; your 
peace abroad ; of your safety, of your pros- 
perity ; of that very liberty which you so 
highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, 
that from different causes and from different 
quarters, much pains will betaken, many ar- 
tifices employed, to weaken in your minds 
the conviction of this truth : as this is the 



point in your political fortress against which 
the batteries of internal and external enemies 
will be most constantly and actively, (though 
often covertly and insidiously,) directed, it is 
of infinite moment, that you should properly 
estimate the immense value of your national 
union, to your collective and individual hap- 
piness ; that you should cherish a cordial^ 
habitual, and immoveable attachment to it ; 
accustoming yourselves to think and speak of 
it as of the palladium of your political safety 
and prosperity ; watching for its preservation 
with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing what- 
ever may suggest even a suspicion that it can 
in any event be abandoned ; and indignant- 
ly frowning upon the first dawning of every 
attempt to alienate any portion of our coun- 
try from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred 
ties which now link together the various parts. 
For this you have every inducement of 
sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or 
choice of a common country, that country 
has a right to concentrate your affections. 
The name of American, which belongs to 
you in your national capacity, must always 
exalt the just pride of patriotism^ more than 



10 

any appellation derived from local discrimina- 
tions. With slight shades of difference, you 
have the same religion, manners, habits, and 
political principles. You have in a common 
cause fought and triumphed together ; the 
independence and liberty you possess, are the 
work of joint councils, and joint efforts — of 
common dangers, sufferings, and successes. 

But these considerations, however powerful- 
ly they address themselves to your sensibility, 
are greatly outweighed by those which apply 
more immediately to your interest. Here ev- 
ery portion of our country finds the most 
commanding motives for carefully guarding 
and preserving the union of the whole. 

The Jiorth^ in an unrestrained intercourse 
with the souths protected by the equal laws 
of a common government finds in the pro- 
ductions of the latter, great additional resour- 
ces of maritime and commercial enterprise, 
and precious materials of manufacturing in- 
dustry. The souths in the same intercourse, 
benefiting by the agency of the norths sees 
its agriculture grow and its commerce ex- 
pand. Turning partly into its own channels 
the seamen of the norths it finds its particular 



11 

navigation invigorated — and while it contrib- 
utes, in different ways, to nourish and increase 
the general mass of the national navigation, 
it looks forward to the protection of a mari- 
time strength, to which itself is unequally a- 
dapted. The east^ in like intercourse with 
the west, already finds, and in the progres- 
sive improvement of interior communications, 
by land and water, will more and more find 
a valuable vent for the commodities which it 
brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. 
The west derives from the east supplies 
requisite to its growth and comfort — and, 
what is perhaps of still greater consequence, 
it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment 
of indispensable outlets for its own produc- 
tions, to the weight, influence, and the future 
maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the 
union, directed by an indissoluble communi- 
ty of interest as one nation. Any other ten- 
ure by which the west can hold this essential 
advantage, whether derived from its own sep- 
arate strength, or from an apostate and un- 
jiatural connection with any foreign power, 
must be intrinsically precarious. 
While then every part of our country thus 



12 



feels an immediate and particular interest in 
union, all the parts combined cannot fail to 
find in the united mass of means and efforts, 
greater strength, greater resource, proportion- 
ably greater security from external danger, a 
less frequent interruption of their peace by 
foreign nations ; and what is of inestimable 
value, they must derive from union an ex- 
emption from those broils and wars between 
themselves, which so frequently afflict neigh- 
boring countries, not tied together by the 
same government, which their own rivalships 
alone would be sufficient to produce ; but 
which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, 
and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. 
Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity 
of those overgrown military establishments, 
which under any form of government, are in- 
auspicious to liberty, and which are to be 
regarded as particularly hostile to republi- 
can liberty. In this sense it is, that your 
union ought to be considered as a main prop 
of your liberty, and that the love of the one 
ought to endear to you the preservation of 
the other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive 



language to every reflecting and virtoovis; 
mind, and ex-Mbit the continuance of the 
union as a primary object of patriotic desire. 
Is there a doubt whether a common govern- 
ment can embrace so large a sphere ? Let ex- 
perience solvfC it. To listen to mere specula- 
tion in such a case were criuainal. We are 
authorised to hope that a proper organiza- 
tion of the whole, with the auxiliary agency 
of governments for the respective subdivi- 
sions, will afford a. happy issue to the experi- 
ment. It is well worth a fair and full exper- 
iment. With such pov/erful and obvious 
motives to union, affecting all parts of our 
country, while experience shall not have dem- 
onstrated its impmcticabilit)^, there will al- 
ways be reason to distrust the patriotism of 
those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to 
weaken its bands. 

In contemplating the causes which may 
disturb our union, it occurs as matter of se- 
rious concern, that any ground should have 
been furnished for. characterizing parties by 
geographical discriminations — Northern and 
Southern'^- Atlantic and Western : whence de- 
signing men may endeayor to excite a belief 

B 



14 



that there is a real difference of local interests 
and views. One of the expedients of party 
to acquire influence, within particular dis- 
tricts, is to misrepresent the opinions and 
aims of other districts. You cannot shield 
yourselves too much against the jealousies 
and heartburnings which spring from these 
misrepresentations : they tend to render a- 
lien to each other, those who ought to be 
bound together by fraternal affection. The 
inhabitants of our western country have late- 
ly had a useful lesson on this head. They 
have seen, in the negociation by the exec- 
utive, and in the unanimous ratification by 
the senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in 
the universal satisfaction at that event 
throughout the United • States, a decisive 
proof how unfounded were the suspicions 
propagated among them of a policy in the 
general government, and in the Atlantic 
states, utifriendly to their interests in regard 
to the Missisippi, They have been witness- 
es to the formation of two treaties, that with 
Great Britain and that with Spain, which ser 
cure to them every thing they could desire, 
in respect to our foreign relations, towards 



15 

confirming their prosperity. Will it not be 
their wisdom to rely for the preservation of 
these advantages on the union by which they 
were procured ? Will they not henceforth be 
deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who 
would sever them from their brethren, and 
connect them with aliens ? 

To the efficacy and permanency of your 
union, a government for the whole is indis- 
pensable. No alliances, however strict, be- 
tween the parts can be an adequate substi- 
tute ; they must inevitably experience the in- 
fractions and interruptions which all allian- 
ces in all times have experienced. Sensible 
of this momentous truth, you have improved 
upon your first essay, by the adoption of ^ 
constitution of government better calculated 
than your former, for an intimate union, and 
for the efficacious management of yom* com- 
mon concerns. This government, the off- 
spring of your own choice, uninfluenced and 
unawed ; adopted upon full investigation 
and mature deliberation j completely free in 
its principles j in the distribution of its pow- 
ers uniting security with energy, and contain- 
ing within itself a provision for its own a- 



16 



mendments, has a just claim to your confi- 
dence and your your support. Respect for 
its authority, compliance with its laws, ac- 
quiescence in its measurcGjare duties enjoined 
by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. 
The basis of our political systems is the right 
of the people to make and to alter their con- 
stitutions of government. — But the constitu- 
tion which at any time exists, until changed 
by an explicit and authentic act of the whole 
people, is sacredly obMgatory upon all. The 
very idea of the power and the right of the 
people to establish a government, pre-sup- 
poses the duty of every individual to obey 
the established government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the 
laws, all combinations and associations, un- 
der whatever plausible character, with the real 
design to direct, control, counteract, or awe 
the regular deliberations and actions of the 
constituted authorities, are destructive of this 
fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. 
They serve to "organize faction ; to give it an 
artificial and extraordinary force ; to put in 
the place of the delegated will of the nation, 
the! will of a patty, often a small, but artful 



i7 

and enterprising minority of the community ;; 
and according to the alternate triumphs of 
different parties, to make the public adminis- 
tration the mirror of the ill-concerted and in- 
congruous projects of faction, rather than the 
organ of consistent and wholesome plans, di- 
gested by common councils, and modified 
by mutual interests. 

However combinations or associations of 
the above description may now and then an- 
swer popular ends, they are likely, in the 
course of time and things, to become potent 
engines, by which cunning, ambitious and' 
unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert 
thQ power of the people, and to usurp for 
themselves the reins of government ; destroy- 
ing afterwards the very engines which have 
lifted them to unjust dominion. 

Towards the preservation of your govern- 
ment, and the permanency of your present 
happy state, it is requisite not only that you 
steadily discountenance irregular oppositions 
to its acknowledged authority, but also that 
you resist with care the spirit of innovation 
upon its principles, however specious the pre- 
texts. One method of assault may be to ef- 

B 2 



18 



tect in the forms of the constitution, altera- 
tions which will impair the energy of the sys- 
tem, and thus to undermine what cannot be 
directly overthrown. In all the changes to 
which you may be invited, remember that 
time and habit are at least as necessary to fix 
the true character of governments, as of oth- 
er human institutions — that experience is the 
surest standard, by which to test the real ten- 
dency of the existing constitution of a coun- 
try — that facility in changes upon the credit 
of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to 
perpetual change, from the endless variety of 
hypothesis and opinion ; and remember es- 
pecially, that for the efficient management of 
your common Interests, in a country so ex- 
tensive as ours, a government of as much 
vigor as is consistent with the perfect securi- 
ty of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself 
will find in such a government, with powers 
properly distributed and adjusted, its surest 
guardian. It is, indeed, Httle else than a 
name, where the government is too feeble to 
withstand the enterprises of faction, to con- 
fine each member of the society within the 
iimits prescribed by the laws, and to main- 



19 



tain all in the secure and tranquil enjoy meiiit 
of the rights of person and property. 

I have already intimated to you the danger 
of parties in the state, with particular refer- 
ences to the founding of them on geograph- 
ical discriminations. Let me now take a 
more comprehensive view, and warn you in 
the most solemn manner against the baneful 
effects of the spirit of party, generally. 

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable 
from our nature, having its root in the strong- 
est passions of the human mind. It exists 
under different shapes in all governments, 
more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ;- 
but in those of the popular form, it is seen 
in its greatest rankness, and is truly their 
worst enemy. 

The alternate domination of one faction 
over another, sharpened by the spirit of re- 
venge, natural to party dissention, which in 
different ages and countries has perpetrated 
the most horrid enormities, is itself a fright- 
ful despotism. But this leads at length to a 
more formal and permanent despotism. The 
disorders and miseries which result, gradual- 
ly incline the minds of men to seel^ security 



20 

and repose in the absolute power of an indi- 
vidual ; and sooner or later the chief of some 
prevailing faction, more able or more fortu- 
nate than his competitors, turns this disposi- 
tion to the purposes of his own elevation, on 
the ruins of public liberty. 

Without looking forward to an extremity 
of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not 
to be entirely out of sight,) the common and 
continual mischiefs of the spirit of party, are 
sufficient to make it the interest and duty of 
a wise people to discourage and restrain it. 

it serves always to distract the public coun- 
cils, and enfeeble the public administration^ 
It agitates the community with ill-founded 
jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the ani- 
mosity of one part against another : foments 
occasional riot and insurrection. It opens 
the door to foreign influence and corruption, 
which find a facilitated access to the govern- 
ment itself, through the channels of party 
passions. Thus the policy and the will of 
one country, are subjected to the policy and 
will of another. 

There is an opinion: that parties in free 
countries are useful checks upon the admin^ 



21 



istratlon of the gDvernment, and serve to 
keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, with- 
in certain limits, is probably true : and in 
governments of a monarGhical east, patriot, 
ism may look with indulgence, if not with 
favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those^ 
of the popular character, in governments 
purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encour- 
aged. From their natural tendency, it is cer- 
tain there will always be enough of that spir- 
it for every salutary purpose. And there be- 
ing constant danger of excess, the effort ought 
to be by force of public opinion, to mitigate 
and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched. 
It demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its? 
bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, 
it should consume. 

It is important, likewise, that the habits of 
thinking, in a free country, should inspire 
caution in those intrusted with its administra- 
tion, to confine themselves within their re- 
spective constitutional spheres ; avoiding, in 
the exercise of the powers of one department, 
to encroach upon another. — The spirit of 
encroachment tends to consolidate the pow- 
ers of all the departments in one, and thus to 



22 



create, whatever the form of government, a 
real despotism. A just estimate of that love 
of power, and proneness to abuse it, which 
|)redominate in the human heart, is sufficient 
to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The 
necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise 
of political power, by dividing and distribut- 
ing it into different depositories, and consti- 
tuting each the guardian of the public weal 
against invasions of the others, has been evin- 
ced by experiments ancient and modern j 
some of them in our country, and under our 
own eyes. To preserve them mu?t be as 
necessary as to institute them. If, in tha 
opinion of the people, the distribution or 
modification of the constitutional powers be 
in any particular wrong, let it be corrected 
by an amendment in the way which the con- 
stitution designates^ But let there be no 
change by usurpation ; for though this, in 
one instance, may be the instrument of good, 
it is the customary weapon by which free 
governments are destroyed. The precedent 
must always greatly overbalance in perma- 
nent evil, any partial or transient benefit 
which the use can at any time yield. 



23 

Of all the dispositions and habits which 
lead to political prosperity, religion and mo- 
rality are indispensable supports. In vain 
would that man claim the tribute of patriot- 
ism, who should labour to subvert these great 
pillars of human happiness — these firmest 
props of the duties of men and citizens* 
The mere politician, equally with thej)ious 
man, ought to respect and to cherish them. 
A volume could not trace all their connex- 
ions with private and public felicity. Let it 
simply be asked, where is the security for 
property, for reputation, for life, if the sense 
of religious obligation desert the oaths, which 
are the instruments of investigation in courts 
of justice ? And let us with caution indulge 
the supposition, that morality can be main- 
tained without religion. Whatever may be 
conceded to the influence of refined educa- 
tion on minds of peculiar structure, reason 
and experience both forbid us to expect that 
national morality can prevail in exclusion of 
religious principles. 

It is substantially true, that virtue or mo- 
rality is a necessary spring of popular govern- 
ment. The rule indeed extends with more 



24 



or less force to every species of free govern^ 
ment. Who that is a sincere friend to it can 
•look with indifference upon attempts to shake 
the foundation of the fabric ? 

Promote, then, as an object of primary im- 
portance, institutions for the general diffu- 
sion of knowledge. In proportion as the 
structure of a government gives force to pub- 
lic opinion, it is essential that public opinion 
should be enlightened. 

As a very important source of strength and 
security, cherish public credit. One method 
of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as 
possible, avoiding occasions of expense by 
cultivating peace j but remembering also, 
that timely disbursements to prepare for dan- 
ger, frequently prevent much greater dis- 
bursements to repel it ; avoiding likewise the 
accumulation of debt, not only by shunning 
occasions of expense, but by vigorous exer- 
tions in titne of peace, to discharge the debts 
which unavoidable wars may have occasion- 
ed, not ungenerously throwing upon posteri- 
ty the burden which we Oiuxselves ought to 
bear. The execution of these maxims be- 
iimgs to y4jur j-^pres eiitatiy.es ; but it i$ ne- 



25 



cessary that public opinion should co-operate. 
To facilitate to them the performance of their 
duty, it is essential that you should practical- 
ly bear in mind that towards the payment of 
debts there must be revenue ; that to have 
revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes 
can be devised which are not more or less in- 
convenient and unpleasant ; that the intrin- 
sic embarrassment inseparable from the se- 
lection of the proper objects, (which is always 
a choiceof difficulties,) ought to be a decisive 
motive for a candid construction of the con- 
duct of the government in making it, and for 
a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for 
obtaining revenue which the public exigen- 
cies may at any time dictate. 

Observe good faith and justice towards all 
nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all : 
religion and morality enjoin this conduct ; and 
can it be that good policy does not equally en- 
join it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, 
and, at no distant period, a great nation, to 
give to mankind the magnanimous and too 
novel example of a people always guided by 
an exalted justice and benevolence.-— Who 
can doubt that in the course of time -and 
c 



things the fruits of such a plan would richly 
fepay any temporary advantages which might 
be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can Lt 
'be, that Providence has not connected the 
permanent felicity of a nation with its vir- 
tue ? The experiment, at least, is recommend- 
ed by every sentiment which ennobles human 
nature. Alas ! is it rendered impossible by 
its vices ? 

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is 
more essential than that permanent inveterate 
antipathies against particular nations, and pas- 
sionate attachments for others, should be ex- 
cluded; and that, in place of them, just and am- 
icable feelings towards all should be cultivated. 
The nation which indulges towards another 
an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, 
is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its 
animosity or to its affection, either of which 
is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and 
its interest. — Antipathy in one nation against 
another, disposes each more readily to off*er 
insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes 
of umbrage, and to be haughty and intracta* 
ble, when accidental or trifling occasions of 
dispute ^CGur« 



27 

M^nce frequent collisions, obstinate, enven- 
omed, and bloody contests. The nation, 
prompted by ill-will and resentment, some- 
times impels to war the government, contra- 
ry to the best calculations of policy. The 
government som-etimes participates in the na- 
tional propensity, and adopts through pas- 
■sion, what reason would reject ; at other 
dwies, it makes the animosity of the nation 
subservient to projects of hostility instigated 
by pride, ambition, and other sinister and 
pernicious motives. The peace often, some- 
times perhaps the liberty of nations, has been 
the victim. 

So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one 
nation for another, produces a variety of e- 
vik. Sympathy for the favorite nation, fa- 
cilitating the illusion of an imaginary cpmr- 
mon interest in cases where no real common 
interest exists, and infusing into one the en- 
mities of the other, betrays the former into a 
participation in the quarrels and wars of the 
latter, without adequate inducements or jus- 
tification. It leads also to concessions to the 
favorite nation, of privileges denied to oth- 
ers, which are apt doubly to injure the nation* 



28 

making the concessions, by unnecessarily 
parting with what ought to have been retain- 
ed ; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a 
disposition to retaliate, in the parties from 
whom equal privileges are withheld ; and it 
gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded cit- 
izens, (who devote themselves to the favorite 
nations,) facility to betray, or sacrifice the in- 
terests of their own country, without odium, 
sometimes even with popularity ; gilding with 
the appearances of a virtuous sense of obli- 
gation, a commendable deference for public 
opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, 
the base or foolish compliances of ambition, 
corruption, or infatuation. 

As avenues to foreign influence, in innu- 
merable ways, such attachments are particu- 
larly alarming to the truly enlightened and 
independent patriot. How mariy opportuni- 
ties do they afford to tamper with domestic 
factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to 
mislead public opinion, to influence or awe 
the public councils ! Such an attachment of 
a small or weak, towards a great and power- 
ful nation, dooms the former to be the satel- 
lite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles 



29 

of foreign influence, (I conjure you to believe 
me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free 
people ought to be constantly awake ; since 
history and experience prove that foreign in- 
fluence is one of the most baneful foes of re- 
publican government. But that jealousy, to 
be useful, must be impartial ; else it becomes 
the instrument of the very influence to be a- 
voided, instead of a defence against it. Ex- 
cessive partiality for one foreign nation, and 
excessive dislike of another, cause those 
whom they actuate to see danger only on one 
side, and serve to veil, and even second the 
arts of influence on the other^ Real patriots, 
who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, 
are liable to become suspected and odious ; 
while its tools and dupes usurp the applause 
and confidence of the people, to surrender 
their interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard 
to foreign nations, is, in extending our com- 
mercial relations, to have with them as little 
political connexion as possible. So far as 
we have already formed engagements, let 
them be- fulfilled with perfect good hith. 
Here let us stop. 

C 2 



30 



Europe has a set of primary interests, 
which to us have none, or a very remote rela- 
tion. Hence she must be engaged in fre- 
quent controversies, the causes of which are 
essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, 
therefore, it must be unwise in us to impli- 
cate ourselves by artificial ties, in the ordina- 
ry vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary 
combinations and collisions of her friendships 
or enmities. 

Our detached and distant situation, invites 
and enables us to pursue a different course. 
If we remain one people, under an efficient 
government, the period is not far off, when 
we may defy material injury from external 
annoyance ; when we may take such an at- 
titude as will cause the neutrality we may at 
any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously re- 
spected ; when belligerent nations, under the 
impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, 
will not lightly hazard the giving us provoca- 
tion ; when we may choose peace or war, as 
our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar 
a situation ? Why quit our own to stand up* 
on foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving 



31 



our destiny with that of any part of Europe, 
entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils 
of European ambition, rivalship, interest, hu- 
mor, or caprice ? 

It is our true policy to steer clear of per- 
manent alliances with any portion of the for- 
eign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now 
at liberty to do it ; for let me not be under- 
I stood as capable of patronizing infidelity to 
existing engagements. I hold the maxim no 
less applicable to public than to private affairs, 
that honesty is always the best policy, I re- 
peat it, therefore, let those engagements be 
observed in their genuine sense. But, in my 
opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be un- 
wise, to extend them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by 
suitable establishments, on a respectable de- 
fensive posture, we may safely trust to tem- 
porary alliances for extraordinary emergen- 
cies. 

Harmony, and a hberal intercourse with 
all nations, are recommended by policy, hu- 
manity, and interest. But even our commer- 
cial policy, should hold an equal and impar- 
tial hand j neither seeking nor granting ex« 



32 



elusive favors or preferences ; consulting the 
natural course of things ; diffusing and di- 
versifying by gentle means, the streams of 
commerce, but forcing nothing ; establish- 
ing, with powers so disposed, — in order to 
give trade a stable course, to define the rights 
of our merchants, and to enable the govern- 
ment to support them, — conventional rules 
of intercourse, the best that present circum- 
stances and mutual opinion will permit, but 
temporary, and liable to be from time to time 
abandoned or varied, as experience and cir- 
cumstances shall dictate ; constantly keeping 
in view, that it is folly in one nation to look 
for disinterested favors from another ; that it 
must pay with a portion of its independence 
for whatever it may accept under that charac- 
ter ; that, by such acceptance, k may place 
itself in the condition of having given equiv- 
alents for nominal favors, and yet of being 
reproached with ingratitude for not giving 
more. There can be no greater error than 
to e^^peet or calculate upon real favors from 
nation to nation. It is an illusion which ex- 
perience must cure, "whkh a just pride ought 



33 



In offering to you, my countrymen, these 
counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I 
dare not hope they will make the strong and 
lasting impression I could wish — that they 
will control the usual current of the passions, 
or prevent our nation from running the 
course which has hitherto marked the desti- 
ny of nations. But if I may even flatter my- 
self, that they may be productive of some 
partial benefit, some occasional good ; that 
they may now and then recur to moderate the 
fury of party spirit ; to warn against the mis- 
chiefs of foreign intrigue; to guard against the 
impostures of pretended patriotism ; this 
hope will be a full recompense for the solici- 
tude for your welfare, by which they have 
been dictated. 

How far, in the discharge of my official 
duties, I have been guided by the principles 
which have been dehneated, the public rec- 
ords and other evidences of my conduct 
must witness to you and to the world. To 
myself, the assurance of my own conscience 
is, that I have at least believed myself to be 
guided by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting war in 



o 



4 



Europe, my Proclamation of the 2 2d of A- 
pril, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sane 
tioned by your approving voice, and by that 
cf your representatives in both houses of 
Congress, the spirit of that measure has con- 
tinually governed me ; uninfluenced by any 
attempts to deter or divert me from it. 

After deHberate examination, with the aid 
of the best lights I could obtain, I was well 
satisfied that our country, under all the cir- 
cumstances of the case, had a right to take, 
and was bound in duty and interest to take a 
neutral position. Having taken it, 1 deter- 
mined, as far a^ should depend upon me, to 
maintain it with moderation, perseverance, 
and firmness. 

The considerations which respect the right 
to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on 
this occasion to detail. I will only observe, 
that according to my understanding of the 
matter, that right, so far from being denied 
by any of the belligerent powers, has been 
virtually admitted by all. 

The duty of holding a neutral conduct 
may be inferred, without any thing more, 
from the obligation which justice and hu- 



;: 



35 



manity impose on every nation, in cases in 
which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate 
the relations of peace and amity towards oth* 
er nations. 

The inducements of interest for observing 
that conduct, will best be referred to your 
own reflections and experience. With me, 
a predominant motive has been to endeavor 
to gain time to our country to settle and ma- 
ture its yet recent institutions, and to pro- 
gress, without interruption, to that degree of 
strength and consistency, which is necessary 
to give it, humanly speaking, the command 
of its own fortunes. 

Though in reviewing the incidents of my 
administration, I am unconscious of inten- 
tional error ; I am nevertheless too sensible 
of my defects not to think it probable that I 
may have committed many errors. Whatev- 
er they may be, I fervently beseech the Al- 
mighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which 
they may tend. I shall also carry with me 
the hope that my country will never cease to 
view them with indulgence ; and that after 
forty-five years of my life dedicated to its 
service, with an upright zeal, the faults of 



36 

incompetent abilities will be consigned to ob- 
livion, as myself must soon be to the man- 
sions of rest. 

Relying on its kindness in this as in other 
things, and actuated by that fervent love to- 
wards it, which is so natural to a man who 
views in it the native soil of himself and his 
progenitors for several generations ; I antici- 
pate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in 
which I promise myself to realize, without 
alloy, the svveet enjoyment of partaking, in 
the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign 
influence of good laws, under a free govern- 
ment — the ever favourite object of my heart, 
and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mu- 
tual cares, labours, and dangers. 

GEO. WASHINGTON. 

United States, 
September 17, 1796. 



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